While much of the contiguous United States is talking about Puerto Rico after comedian Tony Hinchcliffe referred to the archipelago as a “floating pile of garbage” at Donald Trump’s campaign rally at Madison Square Garden on October 27, the people of Puerto Rico have another election on their minds: a historic gubernatorial race. For the first time in history, a pro-independence candidate could win the election for the head of the government in the U.S. territory.
Throughout Puerto Rico’s history, it has been governed by the pro-statehood New Progressive Party (PNP) or the pro-commonwealth Popular Democratic Party (PPD). While third-party candidates have run, none has been able to garner enough votes to threaten Puerto Rico’s two-party system. But this election season, Puerto Rico’s Pro-Independence Party and its new Citizen’s Victory Movement — an anti-colonial party founded in 2019 — have come together under a coalition called La Alianza de País, or Alianza, and its nominee — Juan Dalmau — has gained enough support in the polls to potentially defeat the two traditional parties.
At the time of writing, Jenniffer González, the candidate from the incumbent pro-statehood party, is leading Dalmau by just about 2 to 8 percentage points, according to NBC News. However, political scientists on the archipelago believe it’s a lead that Dalmau could eclipse on Election Day, especially if young voters make it out to the polls and if older, religious Puerto Ricans cast their ballot for the emerging Christian party Project Dignity’s nominee Javier Jiménez. But Pro-Trump comedian Hinchcliffe delivered Dalmau another advantage: Some long-term PNP voters riled by the disparaging “joke” could reconsider their support as González, Puerto Rico’s current resident commissioner, is a Republican and staunch Trump ally.
For decades, the United States, which invaded and colonized Puerto Rico in 1898, has used fear as a tool to thwart pro-independence movements on the archipelago. While masterminding the lie that Puerto Rico could not exist without its colonial relationship with the U.S., the government on the archipelago, then led undemocratically by non-Puerto Rican U.S.-appointed governors, used violence to ensure it doesn’t.
During a peaceful civilian march organized by Puerto Rico’s Nationalist Party to commemorate the abolition of slavery on the archipelago on March 21, 1937, police opened fire, killing 17 civilians. When the party’s leader, Pedro Albizu Campos was arrested on October 30, 1950 after pro-independence revolts in Jayuya, Utuado, and the governor’s mansion in Old San Juan, he alleged that the state subjected him to human radiation experiments that could have later contributed to his death. In 1948, the legislature passed the Gag Law, which made it illegal to own or display a Puerto Rican flag, sing or write a patriotic song or literature, or convene in favor of Puerto Rican independence. The law wasn’t repealed until 1957.
In more recent years, both the PNP and the PPD have sustained this fear by spreading misinformation about pro-independence parties. During the ongoing gubernatorial race, for instance, González has used political ads to liken Dalmau’s social democracy platform to communism, a popular strategy used by Republicans in the contiguous United States to manipulate the traumas of people who fled authoritarian communist or socialist governments, including those in Puerto Rico’s neighboring Cuba.
But Puerto Ricans are increasingly reconsidering the story the ruling governments on the archipelago and in the U.S. have been telling them. Amid recent back-to-back financial, natural, and political disasters, many have come to the conclusion that their colonial relationship is actually holding them back from prospering in their own homeland. From its 2015 financial crisis, which led the U.S. Congress to create the undemocratic fiscal control board that cut budgets and caused job losses, and the 2017 hurricanes, which revealed devastating state corruption, to the ousting of then-Governor Ricardo Rosselló, which helped many islanders recognize and utilize their own power, many Puerto Ricans have found that betting on themselves, their community, their land, and their autonomy could be a more fruitful path forward.
This growing sentiment was on display on November 3 during Alianza’s Festival of Hope at Lot 4 near the Pedro Rosselló Convention Center in Santurce, where more than 50,000 people holding Puerto Rican flags and green and white Patria Nueva flags gathered to support Dalmau and the Alianza movement. Among them were party leaders like Dalmau, Ana Irma Rivera Lassen (running for resident commissioner), Manuel Natal Albelo (running for mayor of San Juan); U.S. Congresswoman Nydia M. Velázquez (D-New York); and popular music artists like Rauw Alejandro, Residente, iLe, and Bad Bunny, who closed out the event announcing his official endorsement of Dalmau.
“I dream of a prosperous and dignified Puerto Rico like the one we deserve. That my people have the quality of life we deserve, a better quality of life. I dream of a Puerto Rico where the education of our boys and girls is a priority and not a dirty system of corruption. I dream of a Puerto Rico where young people do not have to leave to fulfill their duties. I dream of a functional and accessible health system for the love of God. I dream of a road where I don’t have a tire blow out every time I go outside. I dream of something as basic as not having the power go out every day in my country,” Bad Bunny said in a 20-minute long speech. “I dream of a people who are awake and who recognize the strength we have, that here the people rule, that here you, we, the people rule and not the political parties.”
While it was the first time the artist, who went on to perform his song “Una Velita,” publicly endorsed Alianza, this election year he has been vocal about local politics. In June, the rapper, born Benito Antonio Martínez Ocasio, announced a buy-one-get-one-free concert ticket deal for his Most Wanted Tour stops in Puerto Rico to locals who showed their voter registration card. The initiative aimed to improve voter turnout. For decades, the archipelago had impressively high voter turnouts of 73% to 89%, but starting in 2016, it dropped to 55% as Puerto Ricans grew increasingly apathetic about the traditional parties. Additionally, in September, Bad Bunny purchased billboards across San Juan that criticized the pro-statehood party and has consistently used his social media accounts to spread educational information about Dalmau and his anti-corruption platform.
At a time when Trump’s camp refers to Puerto Rico as a “pile of garbage” — essentially calling the archipelago’s people who make up the land trash, repeating language that has been used by the U.S. colonial state to dehumanize Puerto Ricans for more than 100 years — Puerto Ricans are eager to support a government that could, if even symbolically, actually challenge that colonial power.
Ahead of Puerto Rico’s November 5 gubernatorial election, we spoke with islanders about the historic support for a pro-independence candidate and what an Alianza governorship could symbolize and accomplish.
Why do you think there is so much support for Juan Dalmau?
For me it’s important to talk about the context. After Hurricane Maria, Puerto Rico has experienced great sorrows. Puerto Rico has experienced natural and political onslaughts. Not long after the storm, we dealt with the blows from then-Governor Ricky Rosselló, and the entire PNP, which represents a corrupt class — that withheld first-aid goods even though there were people dying. I think that from all of this heartbreak and all of this rage that we experienced from Maria and the aftermath of that hurricane, that corruption we endured from the PNP and the PPD, too — the failures of this two-party system has elevated us. I’m hopeful that it has brought us as a people to rage and to turn our hurt into solutions. And I believe that’s the result of this revelation, one that Indigenous and Afro-descendants have always talked about, that we have been domesticated, and that there is no greater form of domestication than colonialism. Puerto Rico has been a colony of the U.S. for more than 100 years.
Most recently, look at the Trump rally, where the comedian [Hinchcliffe], who by the way is a pendejo, and others have tried to tell us that the way they speak about us and treat us are all jokes and that we have to lighten up, to have a better sense of humor. But that’s not true. That’s the systemic racism and colonialism we’ve experienced for many years. And I feel like this anger and pain — especially in the last five years from the colonial, racist, and anti-democratic Financial Oversight and Management Board (La Junta) — is pushing us to restore our dignity, humanity, and utilize our power.
What would a pro-independence governorship symbolize for Puerto Rico?
For me, the idea that a pro-independence candidate could win the governorship in Puerto Rico is historic. As a colony, we have a lot of trauma and a lot of fears that the United States have told us and that the criollo class here has repeated to us: the lie that we aren’t anything without the United States. This language is abusive. This is what a man who abuses and violates a woman tells her: “You can’t exist without me.” This is the language that an abusive father tells his children: “You are no one.” Thinking about this cycle of violence we have experienced under colonialism for hundreds of years, seeing us in this moment brings me enthusiasm. I’m trying to be cautious, but I am enthusiastic. Yes, there are things we need to look at and preoccupy ourselves with, but I think this election is historic for us as a country.
Of course, though, when the leading parties see that the people they want to oppress are finding their dignity and realizing this treatment is criminal, the ammo, the response to that, is to create fear. And I think the traditional parties are inciting fear around independence because historically in Puerto Rico conversations around independence have been criminalized. They don’t want us to know or accept Puerto Rico’s history struggling for independence. We have rebelled, many times, in many decades, and under many contexts. There has been state prosecution against pro-independence movement leaders in an effort to thwart the revolution and criminalize even the idea of independence, from Pedro Albizu Campos to the Ponce massacre. Historically, we’ve seen this ideology be treated as criminal, something to not be taken seriously, and now we’ve seen the traditional parties taking advantage of that narrative to stir fear in this moment. But fear doesn’t work on us anymore. This colonial fallacy that we are nothing without the United States doesn’t work on us anymore. It’s a mantra that has kept us subjugated.
What would you say to someone fearful of pro-independence leadership in Puerto Rico?
Liberation is coming. It’s unavoidable. Because no nation can be subjugated forever under imperialism. People are leaving Puerto Rico, not because we want to but to seek opportunities, because these opportunities are not available to us here due to the policies of the PNP and the PPD. The aftermath of Maria taught us so much. We know that despite more than 100 years of colonialism, we have so much love for our country, our culture, and our people. I think that if you consider that love we have for ourselves and for our land, a land they’re trying to displace us from, I think we are moving. I think this is a critical moment. There’s going to be fear and hardships, but we haven’t succeeded under this colonial regime. Yes, we have cultural prominence globally; we are talented. But we are not happy. We are struggling. This isn’t just about status; it’s also about great corruption from the traditional parties. Liberation is destined. Every nation deserves and needs freedom to prosper.
Why do you think there is so much support for Juan Dalmau?
We are at a turning point. I work as a digital strategist to transform the narrative for societal change, and this has been a long time coming. It may seem like it’s coming out of the blue, but it’s something that has been simmering since about the 2008 election, when the plan was set into motion to make Puerto Rico be in the service of millionaires, billionaires, and Wall Street, at the expense of locals.
A group of people, an entire society, have been promised things that just never arrived. Growing up, we were told, “you take these steps, and it’ll lead to success.” But millennials are the first generation in Puerto Rico to really encounter dystopia and lies. We never saw prosperity. We never saw this future that they boasted about and benefited from in the past. It’s taken a toll on our ability to even be part of our own community and participate in our own country. The impacts of colonialism means that everyday people will have to say goodbye to their homes, communities, and families, just so they can find a means to survive. We are a generation that is split, that is fragmented, and is dispersed throughout the world. It is not untrue that there are more Puerto Ricans living outside of Puerto Rico than on the islands, and that is a testament to the sacrifices that people have had to make while still being deeply connected to their culture and communities.
What would a pro-independence governorship symbolize for Puerto Rico?
It symbolizes a change. I think if we are honest we know that nothing can change overnight, even if we have a pro-independence governor in power. That decision is ultimately not up to the people of Puerto Rico because of our colonial situation with the United States. Ultimately, who decides whether or not Puerto Rico becomes independent or a state of the U.S. union is the United States Congress.
But I think it means something a lot more meaningful, something that will take generations to build upon, but it is the promise of something new. It’s the promise of being able to — and for the first time in our history — finally have a say and decide what we want. It is an opportunity for Puerto Ricans to know and understand that our future is in our hands and that we have complete authority and autonomy for ourselves without intervention. And we deserve a future where our people and communities can thrive. If what we create and bring to the world is this rich in these conditions, I can’t begin to imagine how incredibly beautiful and magical it is for ourselves and the rest of our global community for us to thrive, and for people like us across the world to thrive.
What would you say to someone fearful of pro-independence leadership in Puerto Rico?
I would ask them if they think it’s worth it to continue going through what we’re going through to the point of normalizing, to the point of expecting future generations to not believe that they deserve better. I’d ask them to take a chance on themselves and their futures, not because this would be independence for Puerto Rico but because it would mean independence for us to finally have a seat at the table, to be represented, and make the decisions we want to make when the time comes, while still keeping our mouths fed, our bodies clothed, our families sheltered, and our culture and our people thriving.
Why do you think there is so much support for Juan Dalmau?
The Patria Nueva project as well as the Alianza de País continue to gain momentum because people see in Juan Dalmau and the rest of the candidates a hopeful, inclusive vision for Puerto Rico. This campaign is driven by a clear path toward a Puerto Rico for all — not just for tax dodgers and gentrifiers.
Unlike others, Dalmau has shown his dedication by engaging directly with communities through forums and town halls, positioning himself as the people’s candidate and the best choice for Puerto Rico’s future.
What would a pro-independence governorship symbolize for Puerto Rico?
I was born and raised in a household that supported statehood for Puerto Rico, and I saw what assimilation did to my parents. They shared stories of not being allowed to have a Puerto Rican flag in their rooms, cars, or school notebooks. Showing love for your country was frowned upon, labeled as “terrorist” or “communist.” These are the effects of colonialism; it’s not just political — it’s personal.
Now, at 26, watching my loved ones support Dalmau and the possibility of an Alianza de País victory brings immense joy and a show of radical hope.
What would you say to someone fearful of pro-independence leadership in Puerto Rico?
I’d encourage people to review our history, to resist the collective amnesia the powerful try to impose on us.
The status of Puerto Rico won’t be resolved through non-binding plebiscites with Congress. Many former statehood supporters now support Dalmau because his campaign with La Alianza de País proposes an Asamblea Constituyente, one that would include everyone, offering Puerto Rico a respectful, dignified, and binding decolonization process.
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This article was originally published on refinery29.com.
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